【翻译】萨珊波斯:崛起与陨落——政治史:索罗亚斯德教崛起(4

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【翻译】萨珊波斯:崛起与陨落——政治史:索罗亚斯德教崛起(4www.shan-machinery.com

本文来源于2009年出版的Touraj Daryaee的著作《Sasanian Persia:The Rise and Fall of an Empire》

该文翻译是由loyola于两年前(甚至更久)组织的长期接力翻译活动,旨在推广萨珊帝国历史(以及百度贴吧萨珊王朝吧,虽然我不确定裸哥现在还在不在贴吧玩了)。因为时间较长,参与人员较多(裸哥跟我说他已经不记得到底有哪些人参与了),所以我只能在参与人员中列出记得的人(希望有参与的人跟我说一下.......)。同时也因为上述原因和人手短缺问题,所以本文在翻译上肯定存在着前后译名不统一,错译、漏译等等问题.......因此特将原文附上,以便各位遇到问题时及时拿原文作比较(有一些字词无法正常粘贴,大家可以去我的资料贴以sasaiand为关键词搜索下载原文)。

第一章翻译者: @孙梦迪 @高万博(暂列)

菜鸡校对:兰斯洛特

PS:因为最近既累又忙,所以补图的事情我会延迟一会.......

PSS:如果译文哪里有问题请及时反映.....谢谢

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SHABUHR, ARMENIA, AND THE WARS IN THE WEST AND THE EAST沙普爾,亞美尼亞以及東西部的戰爭

Hormizd II (302-309 CE) succeeded his father, butdid not do much militarily, and, even worse for the Sasanians, during his reignArmenia under king Tirdates IV adopted Christianity. He had tried toconsolidate Persian-Armenian relations by marrying his daughter Hormizdduxtagto the Armenian prince Wahan Mamikonian, and such an alliance must haveaffected the loyalties of some of the Armenian noble families. Consequentlysome of the Armenian feudal clans (naxaras) converted as well and supportedTirdat against those naxarazs who were loyal to the Sasanians and morespecifically those who honored the ancient Mazdean/Zoroastrian tradition ofArmenia. It has usually been the case that Armenians have seen this momentousevent as a break from the old "pagan" past, when the Armenian nationand identity was established through the medium of Christianity. But one canlook at the event in another way as well, namely through the eyes of theArmenians who did not convert to the new religion. Those Armenians who chose tostay faithful to their ancient heritage went down into Armenian historiographyas either villains or worshiping Ozmizd, Anahit, and Vahagn and Christianhistorians attempted to erase them from the Armenian historical memory, excepta few as the evil-doers.

霍爾木茲二世(西元302-309年)繼承了他的父親的王位,但是在軍事上沒啥建樹,而且對薩珊人而言,更糟的是,在他的統治期間,梯利達特斯四世統治下的亞美尼亞接受了基督教。霍爾木茲二世試圖通過將他的女兒Hormizdduxtag嫁給亞美尼亞王子瓦罕·馬米科尼揚來鞏固波斯-亞美尼亞的關係,而且這樣的聯盟必然會動搖一些亞美尼亞貴族家族的忠誠。因此,一些亞美尼亞封建家族也皈依基督教而且支持梯利達特斯去對抗那些終於薩珊王朝的家族以及那些依舊以亞美尼亞的古老的馬茲達/瑣羅亞斯德教傳統為榮的家族。這通常被視為一個亞美尼亞人同古老的‘異教’過去的決裂的重大事件,亞美尼亞的國家和身份的認同在中世紀的基督教中被建立起來。但是那些沒有皈依新宗教的亞美尼亞人以另一種方式看待這個事件。這些選擇繼續信仰他們古老傳統的亞美尼亞人被基督徒史学家排除在亞美尼亞的歷史之外,這些信仰奧茲馬茲德,阿娜希塔和瓦哈格恩的人被視作壞人,而且基督教的歷史學家試圖把他們從亞美尼亞的歷史記憶中清除,除了少數作為反面典型。

For many Armenian naxarazs and especially those ofthe noble clans, their past history and religion must have meant somethingimportant and the adoption of new ways and religion (Christianity) must havenot been accepted very easily. After all, according to these Armenian nobles,it was King Tirdat who was the heretic who adopted a religion from the West,supplanting the Armenian Mazdeans who had been worshipping Ohrmazd since thesixth century BCE. James Russell has put an end to the modern Armenian notionsof a pagan past vs. Christianity. According to Armenian historiography which isChristian and hostile to Zoroastrianism, Armenia was pagan, illiterate anddisunited, but when in the early fourth century Christianity was adopted, therewas a united vision and a united people or "nation." Russell hasshown that the Armenians from ancient times were a people who, although theirculture was under Persian and Zoroastrian influence, had their own view of whatZoroastrianism meant and gave it an Armenian outlook.So the few"evil" naxarazs mentioned in the Armenian historical narratives whosupported the Sasanians were those who in fact chose to keep their ancientArmenian tradition at the expense of the newcomers. The issue of the future ofArmenia was not to be decided at this time and the adoption of Christianity furthercaused problems and divided Armenian society for sometime to come.

對於許多亞美尼亞王公特別是那些出身名贵氏族的而言,他們過去的歷史和宗教必然意味著一些很重要的東西,而且接受新生活和新宗教(基督教)一定不是可以輕易接受的事情。總而言之,對這些亞美尼亞貴族而言,梯利達特國王是接受來自西方的宗教的異端,背棄了從西元前6世紀開始信仰奧赫馬茲德的亞美尼亞馬茲德教的教徒。詹姆斯·拉塞爾推翻了近代的亞美尼亞觀念上的異教對基督教的觀點。敵視瑣羅亞斯德教且本身是基督徒的亞美尼亞的歷史學家聲稱:異教下的亞美尼亞都是些文盲而且處於分裂中,而到了西元4世紀早期,接受基督教的亞美尼亞人就團結在一起而且成為一個團結的民族或國家。拉塞爾表明亞美尼亞從古代就是一個民族了,雖然他們的文化受到波斯和瑣羅亞斯德教的影響,但是他們有自己對瑣羅亞斯德教的看法和自己的亞美尼亞認同。所以那些在亞美尼亞的歷史記述中被稱為邪惡的支持薩珊人的亞美尼亞家族其實是選擇繼續他們古老的亞美尼亞傳統而不轉信新來者的家族。此時,亞美尼亞的未來還沒有被決定,而且隨著進一步地接受基督教所引起的問題而導致的亞美尼亞社會的分裂會在某個時刻到來。

When Hormizd II died, his son Adur-Narseh was chosento rule, but he ruled only briefly and was deposed by the nobility and thepriests. Then the infant son of Hormizd II, named Shabuhr II (309-379 CE) wasput on the throne. In regard to this king we have the legend that the courtiersand the clergy placed the crown on the womb of his mother when she waspregnant.We may assume that during the early years of his reign, the court andthe Zoroastrian priests ran the empire and the empire was secure and stablestructurally and administratively to survive without a strong monarch. Thisscenario also signaled to the courtiers and the nobility that the empire couldbe managed without a powerful king which would benefit them. The Arabs ineastern Arabia raided the southwestern provinces of the Sasanian Empire, whileConstantine and the other emperors battled for the soul of the Roman Empirewhich made the Persians safe from the Western front. When Shabuhr II came ofage (325 CE), he took revenge on the Arabs and hence received the title"Shouder Piercer" (Arabic Dhual-Aktaf), referring to the punishmentinflicted on the Arab tribes. As a result of his campaigns some of the Arabswere pushed into the heartland of Arabia and the Persian Gulf region remainedin the hands of the Sasanian Empire. This was part of the overall strategy ofthe Sasanians to secure the Persian Gulf. Some Arab tribes were forciblydisplaced and relocated into the Sasanian Empire. The Taghlib tribe was settledin Darayn (a port in Bahrayn) and al-Khatt; the Abd al-Clays and Tamim weresettled in Hajar, and the tribe of Bakrb. Wa'il was settled in Kerman and theHanazila in Ramila(vicinity of Ahwaz)." To keep the Arabs from mountingfurther attacks Shabuhr II constructed a defensive system which was called wari tazigan "wall of the Arabs.”This wall appears to have been close to thecity of Hira which came to be known as K'handaq i Shapur (Ditch of Shabuhr).

霍爾木茲二世去世後,他的兒子阿杜爾··納塞赫被選為統治者,但是他的統治很短暫而後被貴族和祭司們廢除。之後,霍爾木茲二世的繈褓中的兒子沙普爾二世(西元309-379年)被送上了王座。關於這位國王,傳說中,朝臣和祭司們把王冠放在他還在懷孕的母親的子宮上。我們也許可以假設,在他統治的早期,朝臣和瑣羅亞斯德教的祭司統治著帝國,而且這個沒有強大的君主的帝國在安全和穩定的行政結構下倖存下來。這個場景也暗示這些朝臣和貴族會因為沒有強大國王掌管的帝國會讓他們受益。阿拉伯半島東部的阿拉伯人入侵了薩珊帝國的西南行省,而此時君士坦丁大帝和其他羅馬皇帝在為羅馬帝國的靈魂而戰,這使得波斯人的西部邊境處於安全中。當沙普爾二世成年(西元325年)後,他對阿拉伯人展開復仇而且因此獲得了頭銜“肩膀中箭者(阿拉伯語Dhual-Aktaf)”,指的就是他對阿拉伯部落的懲罰。作為這次戰役的結果,一些阿拉伯人被趕進了阿拉伯半島的中心地區,而且波斯灣地區由薩珊帝國掌控。這是薩珊王朝的總體戰略的一部分,以確保波斯灣在掌控中。一些阿拉伯部落被迫遷徙並且在薩珊帝國內定居。台格利卜部落定居在達林(巴林的一個港口)和Khatt;阿卜杜勒·克萊部族和泰咪姆部族以及Bakr部落定居在哈迦。瓦伊勒部族定居在克爾曼,而哈納茲拉部族定居在拉米剌(阿瓦士附近),為了避免阿拉伯人長驅直入的攻擊,沙普爾二世建造了一個被稱為wari tazigan(阿拉伯之牆)防禦性的體系。這個城牆似乎在希拉城附近,因而希拉城被成為K'handaq i Shapur(沙普爾之溝)。

It is againhere that we hear of Arab forced immigration into the Sasanian Empire byShabuhr II, namely Bakr b.wa'il and Banu Hanzalah in Kerman and Khuzistan. Thusthe relation between the Arabs and Persians was just not on the frontiers, butalso within the Sasanian Empire.Also for the first time we hear of theChionites (Xyou) tribes encroaching onto the empire from Central Asia, butShabuhr II was able to contain them and make peace with them. Shabuhr II placedhis son, who now took the title of "King of Kushan" (kusau-sah), onthe throne in the east as is apparent from the coins and a few inscriptions in Kushanterritory.

我們還知道沙普爾二世強迫阿拉伯人遷入薩珊帝國境內,Bakr b.wa'i部落和Banu Hanzalah部落分別遷入克爾曼和胡齊斯坦。因此,阿拉伯人和波斯人的關係不僅存在於邊界也存在于波斯帝國境內,此時,我們也第一次得知來自中亞的匈尼特人部落侵犯帝國,但是沙普爾二世接納了他們而且同他們簽訂和平協議。沙普爾任命他的兒子為東部的國王,後者現在的頭銜是‘kusau-sah(貴霜沙),而且他出現在貴霜領土中的錢幣和一些銘文中。

On the western front, the Roman rulers' backing ofArmenia caused Shabuhr II to begin a campaign against them.When Constantiuscame to the throne (337-338 CE), war began and Shabuhr II laid siege to Nisibisthree times, and there was constant warfare which did not go in favor of eitherside. The defensive system of fortresses and limes hindered Shabuhr's campaignin the region, but some forts such as Vitra fell to him.The encroachment of thenomadic tribes in the Central Asia forced Shabuhr II to turn his attention tothe east, and the war with Rome ended in stalemate by 350 CE. Around this timewe first hear of the Hunnic tribes, who were probably the Kidarites (Chinesejiduolo), encroaching onto the Sasanian Empire and were also menacing the GuptaEmpire (320-500 CE) in India. Shabuhr II, who had just returned from the Syrianfront, was able to contain his eastern foes by making an alliance with theirking, Grumbates, against the Romans. By such action, he foresaw an ally toattack against the Romans.

在西部邊境,羅馬皇帝對亞美尼亞的支持使得沙普爾二世對他們開戰。當君士坦提烏斯(西元337-338年)登基時,戰爭爆發了,而且沙普爾二世三次圍攻尼西比斯,而且持續不斷的戰爭中沒有哪方佔據優勢。羅馬帝國的堡壘和前哨的防禦體系阻礙了沙普爾在這一地區的戰役,但是維特拉等堡壘還是被沙普爾二世攻佔了。中亞的遊牧部落的入侵迫使沙普爾二世把注意力轉向東部,而同羅馬的僵持中的戰爭在西元350年結束。此時,我們第一次聽說了匈人部落,這些人也許是寄多羅人,入侵了薩珊帝國和印度的笈多帝國(西元320-500年)。從敘利亞前線返回的沙普爾二世通過和他們的國王葛籣巴底斯簽訂了盟約,轉而對付羅馬人。通過這樣的行動,他獲得了共同進攻羅馬人的盟友。

It is quitepossible that Shabuhr II defeated his eastern foes and established Sasaniandomination over the Kushans. This theory can be substantiated from the twoMiddle Persian inscriptions which mention that the eastern boundary of theSasanian Empire under Shabuhr II included Sind, Sistan, and Turan.Also AmmianusMarcellinus lists the provinces of the Sasanian Empire in that period asAssyria, Susiana, Media, Persis, Parthia, Greater Carmania, Hyrcania, Margiana,the Bactriani, the Sogdiani, the SacCE, and Scythia at the foot of Imaus(Himalayas), and beyond the same mountain, Serica, Aria, the ParopanisadCE,Drangiana, Arachosia, and Gedrosia.Al-Tabari, additionally mentions that, amonghis city building projects, Shaper II established cities in Sind and Sijistan,which confirms his rule over that region. Finally, most of the gold coinsminted by Shabuhr II are from eastern mints such as Marw where the Kushans alsominted gold coins. Also, a large amount of copper coins from the mints ofSakastan and Kabul exist.This may mean that Shabuhr II was able to extract alarge amount of gold and other precious metals from his defeated easternenemies.

沙普爾二世也可能擊敗了他的東部敵人而且對貴霜人建立了薩珊的統治。這一假設來自兩個中世紀的波斯銘文,其中提到了沙普爾二世的薩珊帝國的東部邊界包括信德,錫斯坦和圖蘭。阿米安也列出這一時代的波斯的行省:亞述,蘇薩,米底亞,波西斯,帕提亞,大卡爾馬尼亞,赫卡尼亞,瑪律吉亞那,巴克特裡亞,索格代亞納,薩卡斯坦,伊毛斯山(喜馬拉雅山)內外的印度斯基泰和賽裡斯,艾裡亞,帕拉帕尼薩迪亞,德蘭吉亞那,阿拉霍西亞和格德洛西亞。塔巴里還額外提到沙普爾二世在信德和錫斯坦建立起城市,這也證實了他對這些地區的統治。最後,大部分沙普爾二世鑄造的金幣都來自東部的金礦,比如木鹿的,貴霜人之前也在那裡鑄造金幣。此外,大量的來自薩卡斯坦和喀布爾的礦場的銅幣也同時存在。這可能意味著沙普爾二世從他擊敗的東部敵人那裡獲得了大量的黃金和其他貴重金屬。

In 359 CEShabuhr II, with the backing of king Grumbates, attacked Syria, laid siege toAmida, entered it after 73 days,and deported its population to Khuzistan. Thecity of Amida was sacked and its population deported as punishment because theson of the Kidirite king was killed. In 361 CE, the new Roman emperor, Julian,counter-attacked and won against Shabuhr II with victories in 363 CE, and evenlaid siege to Ctesiphon. The capital, however, was not taken because ofdisorder and pillaging among the Roman http://forces.In anticipation of Julian'svictory against the Persians an inscription was placed in upper Jordan valley,with the premature title of BARORVM EXTINCTORI, probably because at his initialsuccess in Antioch in March of 363. We are told that among the Roman generalsthere was a Persian renegade by the name of Hormizd who commanded the cavalry.Julian had destroyed his own naval ships, so that his forces would not retreat,and Shabuhr II responded by adopting a scorched-earth policy in Mesopotamiawhich resulted in hunger among the Roman forces. In June of 363 Persian forcesequipped with elephants defeated the Romans, and Julian was badly wounded inbattle, probably by a kontophoroi "cavalry spearmen," and died in histent.Eutropius, who was an eyewitness to this campaign, affirms that Julian waskilled by the hand of the enemy.

在西元359年,沙普爾二世在葛籣巴底斯王的支持下進攻敘利亞,圍攻阿米達城,而後在73天后攻陷城市並且將其人口驅趕到胡齊斯坦。由於寄多羅國王之子被殺,阿米达攻陷后士兵在此抢掠,居民被迁出此城。在361年,新的羅馬帝國皇帝尤裡安做出了反擊,而且在363年多次擊敗沙普爾二世,甚至圍攻了泰西封。然而,泰西封由於羅馬軍隊中的混亂和四處劫掠而沒有被攻下。期望尤裡安戰勝波斯人的銘文被放置在約旦河上游的山谷中,而且其中尤里安提前擁有了BARORVM EXTINCTORI頭銜,這也許是由於他在363年三月在安條克獲得的初次勝利。我們的之羅馬將領中有名為霍爾木茲的波斯叛徒作為騎兵將領。尤裡安摧毀了自己的軍艦,這樣他的軍隊就無法撤退,而沙普爾二世以在美索不達米亞進行焦土戰術使得羅馬軍隊陷入了斷糧,在363年的六月,有大象的薩珊軍隊擊敗了羅馬人,而且尤裡安在戰鬥中受了重傷,而後死在了營帳中。這次戰役的目擊者歐特羅庇厄斯確認尤里安是被敵人殺死的。

Jovian waselected emperor and had to make peace with Shabuhr II, which the Romans calledignobili decreto "shameful treaty, “ceding eastern Mesopotamia, Armenia andthe adjoining regions, 15 fortresses as well as Nisibis.Persian terms andconditions were conveyed by Surenas (Suren) who agreed to have the mainlyChristian population of Nisibis moved to Roman territory while the Persianstandard was raised over the city. Jovian left Mesopotamia and the Romans wouldnot engage the Sasanians further as Emperor Valens had to deal with Germanictribes in the Balkans.

被推選為皇帝的約維安不得不同沙普爾二世簽訂了被羅馬人稱之為ignobili decreto(恥辱條約)的和约,其中包括割讓了美索不達米亞東部,亞美尼亞和相鄰地區,包括尼西比斯在內的15座堡壘。波斯的條款和條件由蘇倫納斯轉達,他還同意把尼西比斯的大多數基督教人口送回羅馬帝國而波斯人堅持要佔領這座城市。約維安離開美索不達米亞,而羅馬人無力對抗薩珊人,因為瓦倫斯皇帝不得不去處理巴爾幹的日爾曼部落。

On theArmenian front, during the early years of Shabuhr II's life Armenia under kingTirdates IV (298-330) adopted Christianity (314 CE). Consequently some of theArmenian feudal clans (naxaraz) converted as well and supported Tirdat IVagainst those naxarazs who were loyal to the Sasanians, and more specifically,those who honored the ancient Zoroastrian tradition of Armenia, stillworshiping Ozmizd, Anahit, and Vahagn. The precarious internal struggle and thewavering loyalties of the naxarazs, the king, and the clergy ushered in aturbulent period in Armenian history, and the sources for this period areconfused. King Tiran, who had attempted to keep Armenia independent by playingboth the Romans and the Persians, lost his life to Shabuhr II. He was replacedby his son, Arsak II (350-367 CE) who initially also tried to appease both theRomans and the Persians, but who finally joined Julian's expedition against theSasanians. As part of the peace treaty between Shabuhr II and Jovian, Armeniaand Georgia were to come under Sasanian control and the Romans were not to getinvolved in Armenian affairs. The Armenian king was captured by the Persiansand imprisoned in the Castle of Oblivion (in Armenian sources known as Fortressof Andmas or Castle of Anyus in Khuzistan), where he is said to have committedsucide while being visited by his eunuch Drastamat.The cities of Artashat,Valarsapat, Eruandashat, Zarehawan, Zarishat, Van and Naxchvan were taken andtheir populations deported, among whom there were many Jewish families.Thepro-Persian naxarazs, namely Vahan Mamikonean and Meruzan Arcruni accompaniedShaper II and were rewarded for their help, and two Persians, Zik and Karenwith a large army were placed over Armenian affairs.Georgia was also placedunder Persian control where Shaper II installed Aspacures in eastern Georgia,but eventually the Roman emperor Valens succeeded in installing Sauromaces inwestern Georgia.

在亞美尼亞方面,沙普爾二世早年,梯利達特斯四世(西元298-330)皈依了基督教(西元314年)。此後,一些亞美尼亞的封建家族也皈依了基督教而且支持梯利達特斯四世對抗那些忠於薩珊王朝的家族,特別是那些依舊以亞美尼亞傳統為榮且信仰奧茲馬茲達,阿娜希塔和瓦哈格恩的家族。由於內部的險惡鬥爭以及封建家族的搖擺不定的忠誠,國王和基督教將亞美尼亞帶入了混亂不堪的歷史時期,而這一時期的資料是混亂不堪的。Tiran王試圖通過在羅馬和波斯兩方之間保持獨立,結果被沙普爾二世殺死。他的兒子阿爾沙克二世(西元350-367年)即位後,最初也試圖在羅馬和波斯間保持平衡,但是他最終還是加入了尤裡安對薩珊的遠征。作為沙普爾二世和約維安之間的和平協定的一部分,亞美尼亞和格魯吉亞已經落入薩珊的掌控,而且羅馬人不能參與到亞美尼亞的事務中。亞美尼亞國王被波斯人俘虜,而且把他囚禁到遺忘城堡(Castle of Oblivion,在亞美尼亞的資料中被稱為胡齊斯坦的Andmas或Anyus堡壘)。據說,在那裡,在他的太監德拉斯塔瑪特的拜訪時,他承諾自己會自殺。阿爾塔沙特,瓦拉爾薩派特,埃魯安達沙特,紮勒哈萬,紮裡沙特,凡城,納克斯赤萬都被佔領了,而且他們的人口都被驅逐到波斯,其中有許多猶太人家庭。親波斯的亞美尼亞貴族瓦漢·馬米科尼安和Meruzan Arcruni陪同著沙普爾二世,而且因他們的幫助而得到嘉獎。而兩個波斯人茲克和卡倫以及大軍被安置在亞美尼亞並掌管亞美尼亞的事務。格魯吉亞也處於波斯的控制中,沙普爾二世在格魯吉亞東部任命阿薩帕庫勒斯,而羅馬帝國皇帝瓦倫斯則成功地在格魯吉亞西部扶持了薩洛馬克思。

Pap (367-374CE), who was the son of the Armenian ruler Arsak who had fled to the Romans,was placed on the throne in 367 with Roman backing. The Armenians were able towithstand Shabuhr II's attack near Bagawan in 371 CE.Pap, however, was notpopular with many of the naxarazs or the Armenian church because of hispro-Arian policy, which caused him to be slandered by the Armenian sources asdevoted to the dewan"demons" due his mother's religious beliefs(Queen P`aranjem of Siwnik`). Pap became a victim of internal divisions andfighting among naxarazs and the sparapet Musel Mamikonean and was eventuallykilled at the instigation of Emperor Valens. Armenia, however, was dividedbetween Shabuhr II and Valens in 377 CE and a state of relative peace reignedin the Caucuses.

逃亡羅馬的亞美尼亞國王阿爾薩克之子帕普(西元364-374年)在羅馬的支援下於367年登基。亞美尼亞人在西元371年在巴嘎萬附近抵擋住了沙普爾二世的進攻。然而帕普在許多亞美尼亞教會的封建貴族中並不廣為人知,因為他的親阿裡安政策使得他被亞美尼亞資料造謠中傷而且由於他母親的宗教信仰而被稱為忠於惡魔(dewan)。帕普成為了國際紛爭与和诸位王公以及sparapet(类似于司令的职位)Musel 马米科尼安作鬥爭的牺牲品,最終在羅馬帝國瓦倫斯皇帝的授意下被殺害。在西元377年,亞美尼亞被沙普爾二世和瓦倫斯分割,高加索地區保持了相對和平的狀態。

Internally,the Zoroastrian priest named Adurbad i Mahrspandan was to canonize the Avestaand the Zoroastrian tradition. As Richard Frye has stated, the semblance of theOttoman millet system was first begum during this period, where the Christianbishop resided at Ctesiphon and, along with the Jewish exilarch, paid his polltax in return for peace and security. By this time religious communities werebeing established and the foundation of a Late Antique society in Persia wasbeing laid by the Zoroastrian priests, the Jewish rabbis, and the Christianclergy. We do not know how far Shabuhr II was able to cut the power of thegrandees and the clergy, but since he was a strong ruler he was able to holdhis own. The only hint which may suggest that the Zoroastrian clergy were ableto impose themselves on the monarchy is that Shabuhr II is one of the lastkings to call himself "whose lineage (is) from the Gods." It maybethat finally the King of Kings had become a secular ruler, whose religiousauthority had become minimal.

在薩珊王朝的內部,一個名為阿杜拉巴德·馬赫斯潘丹的瑣羅亞斯德教祭司將《阿維斯陀經》和瑣羅亞斯德教傳統神聖化。正如理查·弗萊所聲稱的那樣,奧斯曼帝國的米勒特制度的雛形在這個時代首次出現,定居在泰西封的基督教主教和猶太領袖都要支付人頭稅來換取和平和安全。如此同時,宗教社團正在逐漸建立起來,而且波斯的古典時代晚期的社會基礎正是建立在瑣羅亞斯德教祭司,猶太教拉比和基督徒牧師們之上。我們不清楚沙普爾二世把貴族和祭司的權利削弱到什麼程度,但是作為強大的君主的他應該可以為所欲為。唯一表明瑣羅亞斯德教祭司對王權的影響力的證據是沙普爾二世是最後一個自稱為‘神的後裔’的國王。最終,眾王之王變成了世俗統治者,而其宗教權威已經所剩無幾。

It isexactly at this juncture in history that the Sasanian monuments disappear inPersis and appear in the north, in Media. We may consider that the Zoroastrianpriests in Persis had become too powerful and the king decided to shift theirfocus not only away from their traditional stronghold where they were from, butto another place where a new image was to be presented. It is not clear whatmotivated this move by the king, or the adoption of the new titles. Theartistic style is essentially different from those in Persis. Mithra's imagebecomes prominent, along with Ohrmazd. Ardashir II and Shabuhr III arepresented motionless and standing frontally, flanked by two small MiddlePersian inscriptions, bearing the traditional formula which Ardashir I hadfirst adopted on his coins and inscriptions.They are not receiving a diademfrom the gods, nor victorious over any enemies, rather posing for a personalportrait. At Taq-i Bustan, the monuments of Ardashir II (379-383 CE) and hisson, Shabuhr III (383-388 CE) are present. These kings along with Wahram IV(388-399 CE) all met a violent end which suggests the growing power of thenobility and the priests since the time of Shabuhr II.Thisgrowing power of the nobility is also reflected in the brief description ofArdashir II's rule who is said to have killed a number of the great men andholders of authority in order to reduce their power.During Wahram IV's reign,Armenia lost any semblance of independence, and the western part become part ofthe Roman empire and the east was put under the rule of the King of Kings'brother, Wahram Shabuhr (Armenian Vram shapuh) as king of Persarmenia in 394CE. But Wahram IV's greatest achievement was the stopping of the Huns who hadentered Syria and northern Mesopotamia。

正是在這個歷史時刻,薩珊的紀念物從波西斯消失,而出現在北部的米底亞。我們也許可以認為波西斯的瑣羅亞斯德教祭司太過於強大,而國王決定把注意力從他們起家的傳統堡壘移开,而關注於其他可以展現新意圖的地方。尚不清楚的是,什麼促使國王進行了這樣的轉移或採用新頭銜。藝術風格和那些在波西斯的作品明顯不同。密特拉的形象得到突出,同奧赫馬茲德一同出現。阿爾達希爾二世和沙普爾三世的形象都一動不動地位於前方,兩側則是中古波斯語的銘文。銘文則繼承了從阿爾達希爾一世第一次在他的硬幣和銘文中使用的傳統模式。他們既不從神祇那裡獲得王冠,也不戰勝任何敵人,這僅僅是個人肖像。在塔克·布斯坦,阿爾達希爾二世(西元379-383年)和他的兒子沙普爾三世(西元383-388年)就在這裡。這兩位國王和巴赫拉姆四世(西元388-399)的暴斃都表明從沙普爾二世起的貴族和祭司的權力的增長。貴族權利的增長也反映在阿爾達希爾二世的簡短銘文中:據說,他殺死了許多大人物和掌權者,以削弱他們的權利。在巴赫拉姆四世統治時期,亞美尼亞徹底失去獨立。西部地區成為羅馬帝國的一部分,而東部地區處於了眾王之王的兄弟巴赫拉姆·沙普爾的統治下,他在西元394年成為了波斯亞美尼亞的國王。但是巴赫拉姆四世的最大的成就在於阻止了已經進入敘利亞和美索不達米亞北部的匈人。

FOURTH CENTURY: AN OVERVIEW四世紀概況

For the fourth century CE it can be said thatChristianity was seen as a major threat to Zoroastrianism and a break from theancient tradition by the Armenians. By adopting Christianity, Armenia and thenGeorgia began to come closer to the Eastern Roman Empire. This is becauseConstantine and his successors first allowed Christianity to thrive, and thenit was tied to the institution of the emperor and the empire. The RomanEmperors saw themselves as the leaders of all Christians in the world, andhence the Christians in the Sasanian Empire had become suspect. A strong kingsuch as Shabuhr II and a Zoroastrian priest like Adurbad i Mahrspandan reactedto the expansion of Christianity. This tactic was not to be fruitful, and inthe fifth century CE another way was found to appease the situation. A strongand long-lived king like Shabuhr II brought security to the Sasanian Empire andsecured its borders in the west and the south. In the east it appears thatShabuhr II had been able to control the encroachment of the various nomadictribes from the East such as the Huns and Kidarites. Shabuhr II was able tocreate an alliance and a semblance of allegiance with the Huns and later theKidarites. Shabuhr II's raids into the Arabian Peninsula and the coast was notonly to punish the Arab tribes, but perhaps to secure the Persian Gulf region.The Sasanians could now call the Persian Gulf their mare nostrum. Theinstitution of kingship, however, was to be redefined as the Zoroastrianecclesiastical hierarchy strengthened. From now on the King of Kings was notknown to be from the lineage of the gods(yazdan)any more, but rather a secular ruler who continued to be a Mazda worshipper.

對西元4世紀而言,基督教被亞美尼亞人視作是瑣羅亞斯德教的威脅和對古老傳統的破壞。皈依基督教後,亞美尼亞和之後的格魯吉亞開始和東羅馬帝國變得更親密。因為君士坦丁大帝和他的繼任者們允許基督教傳播而且把它和帝國和皇帝的政府機構捆綁在一起。羅馬帝國的皇帝把自己視作全世界的所有基督徒的領袖。因此薩珊帝國內的基督徒不受信任。像沙普爾二世這樣強大的君王和阿杜拉巴德·馬赫斯潘丹這樣的祭司對基督教的擴張做出了應對。這個戰術的效果並不好,而且在西元5世紀,另一種方式被用來安撫他們。沙普爾二世這樣強大且長壽的君王為薩珊帝國帶來了安全而且確保了它在西部和南部的邊界。在東部,沙普爾二世能夠控制來自東部的匈人和寄多羅人等眾多遊牧部落的入侵。沙普爾二世能夠同匈人和後來的寄多羅人建立了聯盟或聯盟的假像。沙普爾二世還深入阿拉伯半島和其沿海地區,這不僅是為了懲罰阿拉伯部落也許也是為了奪取波斯灣地區。薩珊人現在稱波斯灣為他們的內海(mare nostrum)然而,隨著瑣羅亞斯德教祭司階層的壯大,王權的構架被重新定義。從現在起,眾王之王不再被視為有神的血統,而是一個崇拜馬茲達的世俗統治者。

YAZDGERD I AND PEACE WITH CHRISTIANITY伊嗣俟一世以及同基督教的和平

With the reign of Yazdgerd I (399-420 CE) we beginto get a new ideological outlook and treatment of the minorities in the empire.His coins add the slogan "who maintains peace in his dominion"(Ramsahr) while the Sasanian sources called him "sinner"(Arabical-Athim; Persian bazehkar). This is purely a priestly propaganda, because henot only killed some Zoroastrian priests who had looked down upon his goodtreatment of the religious minorities, but also treated the Jews and theChristians favorably. In fact Christianity became a recognized religion, whenthe first synod of the "Nestorian Church" was convened in 410 CE,during the rule of Yazdgerd I.Agathis calls Yazdgerd I a pro-Christian monarch,but, what is more important, a "friendly and peaceable," ruler whonever once made war on the Romans."' So his title would be fitting for theperiod, but we can connect this to Kayanid ideology as well. In the MiddlePersian epic Ayadgar i Zareran (The Testament of Zarer) the last Kayanid ruler,Kay Wistasp, is given the title Ramsahr which appears in the Denkard aswell.This title suggests gravitation towards an Avestan/Kayanid ideology evenbefore seeing such titles and terminology as kay "Kayanid" andxwarrah "Glory." How much of this new ideological framework is due tothe contacts with the East is difficult to say, but the attention increasinglygiven to the eastern boundaries of the empire must have had an impact upon theview of the king.

伊嗣俟一世(西元399-420年統治時期),我們得到了一種全新的意識形態上的對薩珊帝國內的少數派的待遇和觀點。他的硬幣上增加了頭銜ranmsahr(和平維護者),而薩珊資料中稱他為‘罪人’。這當然是祭司的宣傳,因為他不僅殺死了一些敵視他對待宗教少數派的友好政策的瑣羅亞斯德教祭司,而且友好地對待基督徒和猶太人。事實上,在伊嗣俟一世統治期間,聶斯脫利派教會的第一次主教會議在西元410年召開時,基督教已經成為公認的宗教。因此伊嗣俟一世被稱為親基督教君王,但是更重要的是,這是一個“友善且和平”的統治者,他一直沒有和羅馬開戰。一次,他的頭銜是和他的作為是相符的,但是我們也可以把這個和凱揚王朝的思想聯繫到一起。在中古波斯語史詩《Ayadgar i Zareran(紮里爾經)》中,凱揚王朝的末代統治者凱·維斯塔斯珀也有ranmsahr(和平維護者)的頭銜,而且《Denkard》中也有記載。这个头衔已经显示帝国的意识形态在朝阿维斯塔/凯杨靠近,除此之外还有kay“凯杨”与xwarrah“荣耀”之类更能表示这种倾向的名词。這樣的新思想的結構和東方的關係有多少還很那說,但是對帝國東部邊界的不斷增加的注意力一定對君王的思想有所影響。

By allaccounts, the rule of Yazdgerd I was peaceful and with mutual respect with theRoman Empire. In fact the emperor Arcadius (383-408 CE) asked the Persian rulerto become the guardian of his son Theodosius II and this tradition would liveon, sometimes the Romans and sometimes the Persians asking the other side forguardianship of the heirs to the throne of the respective empires. This actionindicates that by the fifth century both empires saw each other as equals andworthy to have their heirs at the court of the other, or simply securingsuccession and being more fearful of internal opposition than each other'sforces. We should not forget before Yazdgerd I, the three kings who followedone another had met violent deaths at the hands of the nobility and so YazdgerdI had to react and that he did, by killing many of them, hence being called the"sinner" in the official Sasanian record. This title of Yazdgerd Imay be as much for his tolerance of other religions and opening a new chapterin the history of Christianity in Persia as for establishing a balance of powerbetween the institution of kingship and the noble families and the Zoroastrianpriests.

從各方面來看,伊嗣俟一世的統治是和平的,而且和羅馬帝國相互尊重。事實上,羅馬帝國皇帝阿卡狄奧斯(西元383-408年)請求波斯君主成為他兒子狄奧多西二世的監護人,而且這個傳統延續下來了,羅馬和薩珊互相請求對方作為各自帝國的王位繼承人的監護人。這樣的行為證明到西元5世紀,雙方帝國相互平等且值得把自己的繼承人放在對方的宮廷中,或者僅僅是為了保護自己的繼承人,因為他們更害怕自己國內的反對派而不是對方。我們不要忘記在伊嗣俟一世之前的三位國王一個接一個被貴族們殺害,因此伊嗣俟一世不得不做出應對,而且他也這樣做了—殺死了許多人,也因此在薩珊的官方資料中被稱為罪人。伊嗣俟一世的這個頭銜和他對其他宗教的寬容有很大關係——可以说他開始了基督教在波斯的歷史的新篇章,可能还因为他建立起了王權,貴族和瑣羅亞斯德教祭司之間的新平衡。

WAHRAM GUR, PROBLEMS IN THE EAST AND CHRISTIAN PERSECUTION巴赫拉姆·古爾以及東部的問題和對基督教的迫害

In 420(原文414,有误)CE, when Yazdgerd I died, his eldest son, Shabuhr left Armenia (WahramShabuhr/Armenian Vramshapuh) to take the throne but he was murdered by thenobility who placed Khusro, who was not related directly to Yazdgerd I, on thethrone. This action suggests the nobility and priestly class' distaste for whatYazdgerd I had done which utimately put his own sons in danger. Another son ofYazdgerd I, Wahram who had been sent to the Arab court at al-Hira, returnedwith an army of mainly Arabs and forced Khusro to abdicate in 421 CE. By allaccounts Wahram (421-438 CE) was a successful ruler; in 422 CE in the west apeace treaty was signed giving religious freedom to the Christians in theSasanian Empire and to the Zoroastrians in the Roman Empire. This was in theface of persecution of Christians which seems to have begun at the end ofYazdgerd I's reign, or more probably in the beginning of wahram's reign,instigated by the Zoroastrian priests.He defeated the Hephthalites, anothertribe in the east, killing their king and stopping their encroachment on theeastern borders of the empire.While on his campaign it appears that he had lefthis brother Narseh who was the youngest of his brothers in charge and whenWahram returned, Narseh was appointed as the ruler of Khurasan. We also hear ofthe office of Wuzurg-framadar which was given to Mihr-Narseh. At this timeArmenia's status also changed when the Armenian naxarazs once again sought theaid of the Sasanians in the deposing of their king, Artashes, the son ofVramshapuh. In 428 CE, Wahram V removed him and placed a margrave (marzban) inArmenia, ushering in what is known in Armenian history as the mazpanate period.

在西元420年,伊嗣俟一世的长子沙普尔去世,他的長子沙普爾離開亞美尼亞去繼承王位,但是被貴族謀殺。貴族把並不是伊嗣俟一世直系亲属的庫斯老送上了王位。這個行動表明貴族和祭司有多麼厭惡伊嗣俟一世以至於他的兒子也都陷入了危險中。伊嗣俟一世的另一個兒子巴赫拉姆之前被送到希拉的阿拉伯宮廷中,率領著阿拉伯人為主的大軍返回,而且迫使庫斯老在西元421年退位。總而言之,巴赫拉姆五世(西元421-438年)是個成功地統治者。他在422年在西部簽訂了和平協議,其中給與了薩珊帝國內的基督徒和羅馬帝國內的瑣羅亞斯德教教徒的宗教自由權。瑣羅亞斯德教祭司煽動的對基督徒的迫害似乎從伊嗣俟一世統治末期或者巴赫拉姆五世統治初期開始。他擊敗了東部的遊牧部落嚈噠人,擊殺了他們的國王而阻止了他們對薩珊帝國東部邊界的入侵。在他的作戰時,他似乎把他最年輕的兄弟納塞赫留下來,而且當巴赫拉姆回去時,納塞赫被指定為呼羅珊的統治者。我們也得知Wuzurg-framadar這個官職被授予彌爾·納塞赫。此時,亞美尼亞的地位也發生了變化,此時亞美尼亞的封建家族再次尋求薩珊帝國的幫助,以推翻他們的國王沙普爾之子阿爾塔克斯。在西元428年,巴赫拉姆五世罷免了他而且在亞美尼亞設立總督區,這就是亞美尼亞歷史上的mazpanate (波斯總督)時期。

There aremany romantic accounts about Wahram V, such as the importation of Indianminstrels as entertainers (lurs),and his penchant for drinking and especiallyhunting, receiving the epithet of Guz "onogur." The composition ofthe first Persian poem is also attributed to him in early Persian compendia,which is a stretch of the imagination. But it was this imagination that hecaptured even by his mysterious death, where it is said that one day whilehunting in Media (Mah) he fell into some marshes or a well and disappeared, andhis body was never found. He was also remembered by the composers of theZoroastrian apocalyptic texts as the one who brought about an age when therewas peace and that evil and the demons went into hiding.

關於巴赫拉姆五世有許多英雄傳說,比如引入印度乐师款待宾客、对于饮酒和打猎的热爱。他的外號“野驢”表示了他對狩獵的鍾愛,他特別喜愛狩獵野驢。第一部波斯詩歌的合集據說是在這個時期完成的,但是這主要是想像。這種想像也出現在它的神秘死亡中,據說他在米底狩獵時陷入了沼澤中消失了,而他的屍體從未被發現。他也被那些瑣羅亞斯德教的預言家們認為在他的時代中和平降臨而邪惡都隱藏起來了

In theearly years of the rule of Yazdgerd II (438-457 CE), the focus shifted to theeast and battling what the sources call the Kushans, probably the Huns.Yazdgerd was stationed in Khurasan for some time until he was able to securethe eastern flank of the empire, and Bactria came under the control of theSasanians. He then moved towards Armenia and Albania, as the defense of theCaucasus from the Huns moving westward was imperative, a campaign which alsoinvolved the Romans. There were further problems in Armenia, probably at theinstigation of Mihr-Narse (Wuzuzg-framadar/Armenian Vzurk hramatar), who issuedan edict in which Zoroastrianism was re-imposed as the official religion inArmenia.This edict provides us with an interesting glimpse into the Zurvanitetendency of Mihr-Narseh and the reasons why the Armenians should convert toZoroastrianism.This caused an uprising by some of the Armenian naxarazs who hadbecome Christian. We can tell that the Armenians were not united for this causeand as a result at the battle of Avarair in 451 CE the Armenian forces, led byVardan of the Mamikonian's family, were annihilated, and many were deported toPersia.This calamity was not to be forgotten by the Armenian (Christian) peopleand became a symbol of resistance and remembrance against their Zoroastrianneighbors.

伊嗣俟二世(西元438-457年)統治的初期,注意力轉移到了東方,而且在同在文獻中被稱為貴霜人但是也許是匈人的民族戰鬥。伊嗣俟二世在呼羅珊駐紮了一段時間,伊嗣俟平定了帝國的東部邊界,而且掌控了巴克特裡亞。之後,他向亞美尼亞和阿爾巴尼亞進軍,來在高加索地區防禦西進的匈人。在亞美尼亞產生了進一步的問題,這也許是由於彌爾·納塞赫的煽動,他頒佈在亞美尼亞重新把瑣羅亞斯德教作為官方信仰的法律。這個法令讓我們瞭解了納塞赫的祖爾萬教派傾向和亞美尼亞人為什麼應該改信瑣羅亞斯德教的原因。這引起了一些已經改信基督教的亞美尼亞封建家族的反抗。我們知道由於這個原因亞美尼亞人並不團結,而且在西元451年的Avarair戰役中以馬米科尼揚家族的Vardan為首的亞美尼亞軍隊被擊敗,而且許多家庭被驅逐到波斯。亞美尼亞的基督徒並沒有遺忘這場慘敗,而且這成為他們和他們的瑣羅亞斯德教鄰居對抗的象徵和記憶。

Thisanti-Christian measure did not only befall the Armenian Christians, since thereare also Syriac martyrologies from this period which mention Christian andJewish persecutions. Consequently Yazdgerd II is remembered well by theZoroastrian priests and the Sasanian chronicle as someone who defeated hisenemies (nonZoroastrians) but who behaved with benevolence towards the Zoroastrians and thearmy. In terms of imperial ideology, he is the first to use the new title of"MazdCEan Majesty Kay" (mzdysn bgy kdy). This means the Sasaniankings were no longer seen as in the image of gods, at least in the empire wherethese coins were circuated, but were connected with the Avestan dynasty of theKayanids. However, we should remember that this trend had begun with Yazdgerd Iand the title of Ramsahr, and that kay was the second manifestation of thisKayanid ideology. It is especially interesting that this Avestan orientationtakes place at the exact time when a Sasanian king is again concerned with theeast and when the king resided in that region for several years. We cannot saythat his stay in Khurasan or contact with Bactria would have brought about thisfascination with the Kayanids, since we have the Ramsahr title appearingbefore. This Kayanid identity, which was now to be adopted wholesale by theSasanians was to manifest itself in several titles which will be dealt withbelow. By a Kayanid ideology it is meant that rather than looking to theAchCEmenids as their ancestors (for all we know they might have seen theAchCEmenid monuments as the work of the kings of Persis), they connectedthemselves to the primordial kings, especially the Kayanid kings in the Avesta.

反基督政策不僅針對亞美尼亞基督徒,這個時代的敘利亞的殉教史中也提到了對基督徒和猶太教的迫害。因此,伊嗣俟二世在瑣羅亞斯德教祭司和薩珊編年史中被稱讚為擊敗敵人(非瑣羅亞斯德教教徒)並仁慈對待瑣羅亞斯德教和軍隊的人。在帝國的意識形態上,他是第一個使用新頭銜mzdysn bgy kdy(馬茲達神的凱陛下)。這意味著薩珊國王不再被視作是神的象徵,而跟《阿維斯陀經》中的凱揚王朝聯繫到一起——至少货币的图像是如此显示的。當然,我們知道這個趨勢從伊嗣俟一世使用Ramsahr頭銜就開始了,而且凱是凱揚王朝的另一種表現形式。有趣的是,對《阿維斯陀經》的重視發生在薩珊君王再次將注意力轉移到東部並且國王在這一地居住了紀念的時候。我們還不能說他因待在貴霜和巴克特裡亞而对對凱揚王朝产生喜爱有關係。因為之前的國王已經使用了Ramsahr。凱揚王朝的身份認識現在被薩珊人接受而且通過一些頭銜表現出來。這意味著他们并不把阿契美尼德王朝視作他們的祖先(那些阿契美尼德王朝留下来的纪念碑,他们可能视作波西斯诸王的成就之一),而是将薩珊國王和《阿維斯陀經》中的凱揚諸王聯繫到一起。

The twosons of Yazdgerd II, Hormizd III (457-459 CE) and Peroz (459-484 CE) ruledconsecutively, although the latter deposed the former in a power struggle.Peroz fled to the east to Khurasan and with an army probably consisting ofKidarites or Hephthalites regained the throne. Meantime, while Hormizd III mayhave crowned himself, we hear that their mother, Denag was governing thecapital or parts of the capital. During this confusion Albania gainedindependence and the eastern boarders of the empire were laid open toHephthalite attack. When Peroz came to the throne, he pacified Albania, butallowed the Armenians to practice Christianity and made an agreement with theeastern Roman Empire to cooperate in defending the Caucus passes. The Sasaniansmet their match against the Hepthalites in Khurasan and in 469 CE Peroz and hisharem and retinue were captured by Khwashnawaz. This calamity took place duringthe third major battle, while during the first two, his war was partly financedby the Romans. This was the low point of Sasanian rule, where they in factbecame tributaries to the Hephthalites and ceded territory to them forreturning the king and his entourage to Sasanian territory. The chief priest(mowbed), Peroz's son, Kavad, and his daughter were held by the Hephthalites asassurance hostages The only reason that the Romans did not attack Persia atthis time was because emperor Zeno was facing internal problems and could notturn his attention to the east.

伊嗣俟二世的兩個兒子霍爾木茲三世(西元457-459)和卑路斯(西元459-484年)相繼統治,而且後者是在權力鬥爭中戰勝了前者。卑路斯一開始逃往東部的呼羅珊,而且召集了許多由寄多羅人和嚈噠人組成的軍隊來爭奪王位。然而。雖然霍爾木茲三世也許已經登基,但是我們知道他的母親德納格在管理首都或部分首都。在這次衝突中,阿爾巴尼亞取得了獨立,而且薩珊帝國的東部邊界暴露在嚈噠人的视野之下。卑路斯登基後,他平定了阿爾巴尼亞,但是允許亞美尼亞人信仰基督教而且同東羅馬帝國皇帝簽訂了協定來共同防守高加索地區的山口。薩珊人開始在呼羅珊迎戰嚈噠人而且在469年,卑路斯和他的後宮以及隨從被Khwashnawaz俘獲。這次慘敗是在第三次戰鬥中,而且在前兩次戰鬥中,他得到了羅馬人的一些資助。這是薩珊統治時期的低點,此時他們事實上向嚈噠人進貢,而且割讓領土來換回國王和他的隨從。首席祭司也是卑路斯之子卡瓦德和他的女兒成為了嚈噠人的人質。羅馬人此時沒有進攻波斯的唯一原因是羅馬帝國皇帝芝諾要處理內部問題而無力關注東方。

We knowthere were religious persecutions, especially against the Jews, at this timeand drought and famine were rampant in the empire, as well as a revolt inArmenia in 482 CE.But Peroz took it upon himself to revenge his loss in theeast. This time in 484 CE, his actions cost him his life, seven of his sons,and his entire army.It is here that we hear of the famous legend of the"pearl earring" of Peroz which was so precious that before dying hethrew it to the ground so that no one would wear it.The short rule ofBalash(Walaxs) (484-488 CE) was uneventful and since the empire was weak, theking kept peaceful relations with Armenia and the Hephthalites by givingtribute to the latter. Balash appears to have been dominated by the noblefamilies and it is interesting that we see the creeping influence of theParthian noble families at this time. One such person is Zarmihr Sokhra of theKaren clan, who saved the rest of the Sasanian army after Peroz's death, andthe other Shabuhr of the Mehran clan. Balash was deposed by the nobility andthe priests in 499 CE, when Kavad I (488-496, 499-531 CE) was brought to thethrone.

我們知道這一時期有宗教迫害,特別是針對猶太人的,帝國境內不仅乾旱和饑荒嚴重,而且西元482年时亞美尼亞也叛亂了。但是卑路斯專注於在東部進行復仇。在西元484年,他的行動最終搭上了他和他的七個兒子以及整只軍隊的生命。我們知道一個關於卑路斯的珍珠耳環的故事:這個耳環太珍貴了,因此他在死前把它丟到地上,這樣就沒人能戴上它。巴拉什(西元484-488年)的短暫統治波瀾不驚,由於薩珊帝國十分虛弱,國王同亞美尼亞和嚈噠人建立了和平的關係,而且向後者進貢。巴拉什似乎被貴族家族掌控,而且有意思的是,這時我們能看到帕提亞時代的貴族家族的一些影響。卡倫家族的Zarmihr Sokhra和另一個邁赫蘭家族的沙普爾在卑路斯死後拯救了殘存的薩珊軍隊,巴拉什被貴族和祭司在499年廢黜,卡瓦德一世(西元488-496,499-531年)登基。

FIFTH CENTURY: AN OVERVIEW五世紀概況

The fifth century kings were generally weak and thenobility and the Zoroastrian priests were able to exert their influence at thecost of the court. Some kings like Yazdgerd I did punish some Zoroastrianpriests and the nobility to reduce their power, but this only hampered theireventual take-over of the Sasanian state for a short time. This, however, didnot mean that the empire was ineffective or not centralized. The bureaucraticapparatus, under the control of the priests, had reached such a level ofsophistication that the death of a king would not bring the empire down,something that worked to the advantage of the priests and the nobility. Thiscentralization is also apparent with the growing number of titles as theyappear on administrative seals,as well as the appearance of mint-marks on thecoins. Economically, the empire was not faring well, because of the drought,famine and the incisive wars which had resulted in giving huge sums of tributeto the Hephthalite, nor had there been any victories in the west to enable thecollection of gold from the Romans.

西元五世紀的諸王都相對軟弱,貴族和瑣羅亞斯德教祭司能夠在宮廷中施加他們的影響力。伊嗣俟一世這樣的國王能懲罰一些瑣羅亞斯德教祭司和貴族並削去他們的權利,但是這只在他們最終接管薩珊帝國前的短時間內的阻礙。然而這並不意味著帝國已經無力或不再中央集權。祭司控制下的官僚機構已經發展到了成熟的水準,某個國王的去世不會讓帝國衰落,只是這讓貴族和祭司奪取了權利。這樣的中央集權也能從官方印章中出現的頭銜的增長和錢幣上的刻印上看出來。在經濟上,乾旱,饑荒和不斷的戰爭使得帝國處於困難中。嚈噠人索要的貢金數額巨大,而薩珊人沒有對羅馬人的勝利來從他們那裡獲得黃金。

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